Alikeness
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Political marketing campaigns expend enormous effort each campaign season to influence voter turnout. This cyclical democratic process and nonstop news cycle foster an environment of media malaise. Voter pessimism undercuts participation through increased perceived alikeness among ballot options. Differentiation and consolidation theory describe the voting decision process as reconciling rational and irrational information. Voters seek out differences to decide among presented options. More politically interested voters are more likely to vote. Counterintuitively, higher political organizational avocational interest is related to higher perceived alikeness. Across three studies, higher perceived alikeness of parties, candidates, and issues was related to a lower likelihood to vote (LTV). Conditional voting ineffectual beliefs exacerbated these indirect effects on LTV. In a saturated marketing atmosphere with massive spending during each election cycle, we discuss implications to influence LTV based on results.
At a 2001 screening of Sleep in Moscow, for example, Flatley recounts how the audience of several hundred people erupted into cheers at the first cut. This collective response to the film is not based on any specific relation to John Giorno's sleeping body, which may or may not include individual erotic interest, but instead on the provision of \"a loose, relaxed, receptive habitus [in which] one senses the interest of just about anything if one looks at it long enough\" (77). As with the portraits on canvas or screen, Warhol elicits interest, the grounds of a liking that stems from the discernment of similarity or alikeness. This interest, a generalized precondition to an identification that may or may not be achieved, is activated aesthetically; it can provide enjoyment or pleasure, but it can also produce the basis for collective political action beyond the narrower confines of identity and the quagmires of...
However, perceived alikeness is the norm in twenty-first century U.S. politics. While campaigns emphasize their candidate is better for the working middle class citizens, coal industry, and military, voters often feel they are relatively the same. No doubt, agreeability is a likeable trait. It is difficult to appear likeable when someone expresses disagreement. Politicians voice agreements to build credibility and prepare counterarguments. However, with generally low voter attention spans (Heinrich et al. 2018) and skepticism that politicians will enact policies that help the working class (Fuhrman 1993; Skocpol and Amenta 1986), it is vital to articulate stark differences. With barriers to voting (such as long lines to cast a ballot), voters need strong motives (Pettigrew 2020). If candidates and parties are perceived about the same, what difference would it make who is in control of government Hence, this study focuses on the lack of dissimilarity and the impact on likelihood to vote (LTV).
One would imagine the more advertising voters see; the more different campaigns appear. In contrast, the more aware and interested a voter is in politics, the more alike parties, candidates, and issues will appear because campaigns are talking about the same issues with nuanced differences. For example, common core and standardized testing are both within the context of education. These policies both attempt to improve the system. While stark differences exist, voters can perceive them as alike despite fundamentally different policy approaches because of regular negative media coverage. Hence, greater perceived alikeness is hypothesized to decrease civic participation. We contend that in a media malaise environment; more political interest increases exposure to this cynical political coverage and options appear more alike.
Belief that voting is ineffectual will moderate the relationship between political parties and perceived alikeness. Specifically, higher belief that voting is ineffectual will exacerbate perceived alikeness.
The purpose of conducting the three studies herein was to validate through predictive modeling a measure of perceived alikeness in three political contexts. We modeled the effects of political avocational interest and political alikeness on LTV. The measure of perceived alikeness presented two political choices with a rating option from 0 alike to 100% alike. Study 1 evaluated the perceived alikeness of political parties. Study 2 evaluated the perceived alikeness of generic political candidates. Study 3 evaluated the perceived alikeness of political issues. Identical predictive analysis was conducted across the three studies except for replacing the context of political alikeness. Analyzing three datasets assessed for replicability among different samples. The large samples with different participants followed standard predictive modeling practices (Preacher and Kelley 2011; Williams and MacKinnon 2008). The three studies tested each of the hypotheses across political contexts.
Averages, standard deviations, and correlations are depicted in Table 1. Moderated mediation analysis utilized IBM SPSS Statistics 23.0 PROCESS (Version 3.5, Model 7) (Hayes 2012). First the researchers conducted predictive analysis on the main effect (H1) of political avocational interest (PO) on LTV. Second, we assessed indirect effects of PO on perceived alikeness (H2) and perceived alikeness on LTV (H3). Third, we assessed belief voting is ineffectual on PO on perceived alikeness (H4). The results are presented in this order.
As predicted, PO was related to increased LTV. The perceived alikeness of parties had a total negative indirect effect on LTV in the model. High levels of belief that voting is ineffectual exacerbated the indirect effect. Each of the hypotheses were supported. However, while conditional indirect effects results were found among the perceived alikeness of parties, could these results be replicated and found in a different political marketing context Study 2 attempted answer this question by examining the perceived alikeness of statements made by fictitious candidates.
Study 2 replicated the results found in study 1 in the context of the perceived alikeness of political candidates and with a different sampled population. The perceived alikeness of candidates had an indirect negative effect on LTV that was exacerbated by high levels of the believe voting is ineffectual. The results support the importance of differentiation in political marketing campaigns to give voters substantial reason(s) to cast a ballot. However, are these findings transferable to political issues that are more amorphous and cross over party lines Study 3 attempted to answer this question by examining the perceived alikeness of political issues.
Study 3 replicated the results from studies 1 and 2 in the context of political issues. The results provided evidence that perceived alikeness exists among abstract political issues. The findings reiterate the importance of differentiating political marketing campaigns. Within the context of differentiation and consolidation theory in a media malaise environment, differentiation precedes LTV. Perceived alikeness had a negative indirect effect on LTV.
Differentiation and consolidation theory postulates individuals seek differences among choices to decide (Svenson 1992). Svenson (1992) explains a sufficient degree of differentiation becomes the reasons individuals use to justify behaviors. Individuals calculate post-decision outcomes when processing information, like friends asking why they voted for a particular candidate. The political alikeness scale quantifies the perceived uniformity of choices (i.e., greater perceived alikeness, the less different choices appear). The scale provides a suitable tool to study differentiation and consolidation among political choices. With annual elections, campaigns can measure real candidates for practical applications. For instance, political campaigns can present two candidates running for office, measure perceived alikeness, and adjust strategies to energize voters with substantive reasons. By quantifying perceived differentiation, it is possible for researchers to compare choices and a potential threshold to generate a favorable vote.
Furthermore, the U.S. is an imperfect democratic nation that differs from other political systems. For example, the U.S. government is primarily controlled by two major political parties (i.e., Republicans and Democrats). Meanwhile, other democracies elect multiple parties into office with legislative power. For example, in the U.K. and Germany, a coalition government is usually formed by multiple parties to form a governing majority. With more viable choices, parties must distinguish themselves to stand out to voters. This effort can result in prioritizing key issues and legislative victories for constituents, unlike gridlock in the U.S. Furthermore, while a coalition government has the appearance of a minority and majority voting bloc, it is perceived to be less fixed than the U.S. two-party system. For example, a single political party may not receive complete blame for government failures during a legislative session. Therefore, cross-cultural analysis of perceived alikeness among choices could provide insight for other nations and their political participation.
Moreover, the complex model of results can be expanded to include other additional variables and relationships. For example, perceived impact on the political system is another precursor to voting. Blondel et al. (1997) found lower proportionality of voters to elected representatives increased voter participation. The U.S. is a representative democracy with an electoral college system that modifies proportionality based on geography (Grofman and Feld 2005; Pattie and Johnston 2014). Official selection of government representatives is based on votes cast but ultimately decided by an indirect system (Doorenspleet and Pellikaan 2013). For